The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was seen as one of the most influential holders of that position in US history. Whereas numerous second-in-commands were confined to minor or ceremonial positions, Cheney held huge sway during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently described as the "actual president".
Bush resented this portrayal and claimed the connection was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was deferential, consistently addressing him in public settings as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their partnership as a partnership because it suggested that they were on equal footing. In spite of these objections, Cheney considered the easygoing president malleable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a group of neo-cons that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a session at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the shooting down of any unidentified aircraft nearing the government building.
Cheney said the attacks transformed him, causing him to be determined on revenge. Together with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the harsh treatment of individuals captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on inaccurate information echoed by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the right thing to do then. I had faith back then and I believe it presently."
Yet even then, there were opposing views at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the position. "I observed, at a minimum," he wrote later "true dereliction, carelessness, and unaccountability: potentially, falsehoods, ineptitude, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had composed a document outlining scenarios in which national priorities might be compromised (including "obtaining vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be postured to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," particularly referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the Oval Office generally inclined on implementing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been sacked by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and proposed military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a plot to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his father's face that everyone had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken advocating invading Iraq, consistently citing intelligence reports that were either insubstantial or entirely inaccurate. He supported what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the employment of interrogation method and torture.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no valuable data had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place initiatives to apprehend the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in labels assigned to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the background that remains unseen leave his lair? That is a effective way to work, actually."
Business Interests
Debate over his commercial relationships accompanied him throughout his time as vice-president. Even though he had little experience in commerce but strong connections in military, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US contracts valued at substantial sums.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his period at the company increased from his $258,394 while military head to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a package valued at over $20m|twenty
